Voting Participation in the U.S. Presidential Elections

Introduction Recent studies of political attitudes and voting patterns in the United States presidential elections demonstrate that voter loyalties and voting trends have undergone a major shift since the original large-scale voting studies were initiated in the 1940s and 1950s (Guterbock, 1980).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Voting Participation in the U.S. Presidential Elections specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More In the American context, the presidential elections are often a hotly contested affair between the traditionally business-oriented Republicans and the labor-oriented Democrats (Gelman, Kenworthy Su, 2010). However, as suggested by Gonzalez (2012), U.S. presidential elections are won on a number of platforms other than the philosophical leanings of the candidates or party interests. In this regard, it is important to evaluate the determinants of voting participation in the U.S. presidential el ections not only to assist political parties to polish their campaigns during the electioneering period, but also to inform policy decisions at the party level. While it is a well known fact that most Americans consider themselves as Republican or Democrat, a strand of existing political literature (e.g., Newman, 2001; Pasek et al., 2009; Weisberg, 2007) demonstrates that presidential election results are paradoxically predicated upon a multiplicity of factors other than partisan voting. While these studies exhibit rekindled interest in the existence of factors outside party identification that are intrinsically involved in determining the results of the presidential election (Holbrook McClurg, 2005), less attention has been devoted to examining the mechanisms by which these factors activate or deactivate partisanship and mobilize core supporters toward voting for a particular presidential candidate Wildavsky, 2011). Interestingly, many of these studies tend to deal with individual factors to understand voting patterns in U.S. presidential elections though common practice demonstrates that a number of factors are involved in efforts to shape the voting discourse and trajectory. The present study aims to fill this research gap by analyzing four possible determinants of voting participation in U.S. presidential elections: media, religion, social economic status and level of education. A comprehensive review of these factors is presented in the subsequent sections.Advertising Looking for research paper on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Available literature demonstrates that the media (print, electronic, Internet) has an agenda-setting capacity or â€Å"the ability to influence not what people think, but what they think about† (Newton Brynin, 2001 p. 225). This view is reinforced by Gonzalez (2012), who acknowledges that most modern media platforms have the capacity to prime or frame is sues in a manner that leads the audience or users to think about them in one way rather than another. Extending and supporting the work in this nascent area of research, Newman (2001) claims that victory in the U.S. presidential election often goes to the candidate who wages the best marketing campaign using available media platforms not only to make an emotional connection with the people, but also to project an image of honesty, compassion and toughness in the minds and hearts of the American people. Other scholars note that â€Å"both candidates and voters have increased their use of the Internet for political campaigns† (Robertson, Vatrapu Medina, 2010 p. 11). Presidential candidates, according to these authors, have adopted many Internet-based tools to communicate with voters, collect contributions, foster community and organize political campaigns, whereas voters have adopted Internet tools to relate to the presidential candidates, engage in political discourse, follow activist causes, and share information. The relationship between religion and the U.S. presidential elections has been investigated by a number of scholars. In his seminal work on religious identity and the U.S. presidency, Gonzalez (2012) found that â€Å"the relationship between religion and the presidency impacts both the viability of candidates and the manner in which decisions are made in the voting booth† (p. 568). In the 2012 presidential elections, for instance, Republican candidate Mitt Romney suffered considerable stigma from the American voters due to his close association with Mormon religious doctrines (Gonzalez, 2012).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Voting Participation in the U.S. Presidential Elections specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Manza and Brooks (1997) are of the opinion that in the U.S political landscape, religious-oriented cleavages may have been a more fundamental fact or for understanding the social roots of voter alignments than the class cleavage owing to the fact that Americans normally claim higher levels of church membership and attendance at religious gatherings and hence are more likely to believe in God and claim that religion is of substantial importance in their lives. Social economic status has been shown as a possible determinant of voting participation in the U.S. presidential elections. A study by Southwell (2004) shows that unemployed and economically-disadvantaged people are less likely to take part in voting, whereas their employed and rich counterparts derive much satisfaction from participating in presidential elections. This author further explains that persons experiencing financial difficulties are â€Å"less likely to participate in elections because the stressful nature of economic adversity forces a preoccupation with personal economic problems and makes the individual withdraw from political or community matters as a re sult† (p. 237-238). Guterbock (1980) used ecological data from the Midwestern city of Middletown to demonstrate that although there is a perceived weakening of the relationship between socioeconomic status (SES) and electoral choices, a considerable number of eligible Americans continue to vote along class and racial lines. According to the researcher, wealthy people and those in white-collar occupations continue to vote for Republican candidates to maintain the status quo, while middle class (working class) voters and immigrants vote for Democrat candidates because the policies projected by the Democratic Party are perceived as more responsive to their interests. Lastly, a number of research studies have investigated the relationship between a voter’s level of education and his or her voting participation in the U.S. presidential elections. Although the results are not conclusive, Coley and Sum (2012) â€Å"reveal a startling stratification at the nation’s poll ing stations, from a voting rate of 3.5 percent for voting-age high school dropouts to 80.5 percent for well-off, advanced-degree holders between the ages of 55 and 64† (p. 2).Advertising Looking for research paper on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More These authors found a significant association between the level of education and civic engagement (e.g., participating in elections), leading to the conclusion that the nation’s less-educated, lower-income eligible voters have willingly disenfranchised themselves form the voting process. One Canadian study analyzing the last federal election found that â€Å"the voting rate among people with a university degree was 78% compared with rates of 60% or lower among those with a high school education or less† (Uppal LaRochelle-Cote, 2012 para. 12). These figures demonstrate that education may have a ‘positive effect’ on voting patterns not only in the U.S. but also internationally. The present study is interested in testing the following hypotheses. The first hypothesis is that voters with high media exposure (TV) are more likely to participate in U.S. presidential elections than voters with low media exposure. The second hypothesis is that voters with a solid religious orientation are more likely to determine the outcomes of the U.S. presidential election than voters with a secular orientation. he third hypothesis is that social economic status is a strong predictor in determining the probability of voting in the U.S. presidential elections. The last hypothesis is that voters with low levels of education are less likely to take part in presidential elections than voters with high levels of education. Methods The data for this study were extracted from a larger database known as the General Social Survey (GSS), which is basically a nationwide survey intended to capture the demographic, behavioral and attitudinal views of Americans on a wide range of issues. The GSS is a probability sampling national survey completed through personal questionnaires targeted at non-institutionalized individuals over the age of 18 years. Information from the GSS official website shows that â€Å"the 1972-2012 GSS has 5,545 variables, time-trends for 2,072 v ariables, and 268 trends having 20+ data points† (General Social Survey, 2013 para. 2). The 1996 data set was used in this study, and the sample size drawn for analysis consisted of 1,419 Americans. Data relevant to the dependent and the independent variables were used to test the hypotheses. Questions were posed to the participants and the responses entered into the corresponding categories in line with a quantitative approach. However, some items were not operationalized and required the respondents to give their responses in an open-ended manner. These responses were later operationalized by the researcher around underlying themes and then analyzed quantitatively using the IBM SPSS Statistics program. While the ordinal level of measurement was mostly used when values for the responses represented categories with some intrinsic ranking, the nominal level of measurement was used when values for the responses showed no form of intrinsic ranking, whereas the scale level of meas urement was employed when values for the responses represented ordered categories demonstrating a meaningful metric (Balnaves Caputi, 2001). For this study, the independent variables include respondent’s highest level of education (measured using ordinal level by ranking participants against the intrinsic categories for educational achievement), TV hours and Internet hours (measured using scale level by stating the number of hours respondents use per day watching TV), respondents income for the last year (measured using ordinal level by entering the respondent’s income for the last year into predetermined intrinsic categories), and belief in life after death (measured using nominal level as a â€Å"YES/NO† response). The dependent variable is whether the respondents voted in the 1996 U.S. presidential election. As already mentioned, the sample size for this study is 1,419. Quantitative techniques were employed to analyze the data with the view to testing the st ated hypotheses. Descriptive statistics (frequency distributions and cross tabulations) were used to demonstrate the frequency of occurrence and the relationships between the dependent and independent variables. Chi-square tests were also done for purposes of identifying which frequencies and relationships could be considered statistically significant. The results are presented in the following section. Results Table 1 shows the cross-tabulation of the number of number of hours per day respondents spent watching TV and if they voted in the 1996 presidential elections. It is imperative to note that over two-thirds (67.9%) of respondents who spent a minimum of two hours per day watching the TV voted against only 118 (25.1%) who spent the same number of hours but did not vote. Similarly, 205 (67.9%) of respondents who spent 3-5 hours watching the news voted in the 1996 general elections against 23 (27.6%) who spent similar number of hours but did not vote. The Pearson Chi-Square test s howed a df of 45 and two-sided significance of 0.290, while the Spearman Correlation Coefficient showed an approximate significance of 0.082. Consequently, the level of occurrences and relationship is significant enough to prove that voters with high media exposure are more likely to participate in voting than voters with low media exposure. Table 1: Hours spent watching TV and Participation in 1996 General Elections Hours per day watching TV (n=880) Did Respondent Vote in 1996 General Election Voted Did not Vote Ineligible Refused to Answer Total 0-2 hrs 319 (67.9) 118 (25.1) 33 (7.0) 0 470 (53.4) 3-5 hrs 205 (64.3) 88 (27.6) 25 (7.8) 1 (0.3) 319 (36.3) 6-8 hrs 33 (55.9) 23 (39.0) 3 (5.1) 0 59 (6.7) Over 8 hrs 17 (53.1) 15 (46.9) 0 0 32 (3.6) Total 574 (65.2) 244 (27.7) 61 (6.9) 1(0.9) 880 (100) N.B: Row percentages are presented in parenthesis Table 2 shows the cross-tabulation of perceptions of belief in life after death (to demonstrate religiosity) and if res pondents voted in the 1996 presidential elections. From the cross-tabulation, it is clear that out of 521 valid cases of respondents who voted in the 1996 presidential elections, 449 (86.2%) believed in life after death (religiosity) while only 72 (13.8%) of those who voted said there was no life after death. The Pearson Chi square and linear-by-linear association showed a weak relationship between the independent and dependent variable (0.003 and 0.004 respectively at 0.05 significance level) but the high occurrence of those who voted in the 1996 election and demonstrated a faith or belief in life after death proves that voters with a solid religious orientation are more likely to determine the outcomes of the U.S. presidential election than voters with a secular orientation. Table 2: Belief in Life after Death and Participation in the 1996 Presidential Elections Belief in Life after Death (n=807) Did Respondent Vote in 1996 General Election Voted Did not Vote Ineligible Total Yes 449 (86.2) 181 (78.3) 40 ( 72.7) 670 (83.0) No 72 (13.8) 50 (21.7) 15 (27.3) 137 (17.0) Total 521 (64.6) 231 (28.6) 55 (6.8) 807 (100) N.B: Column percentages are presented in parenthesis Table 3 demonstrates the cross-tabulation between the social economic status (measured by income for last year) of respondents and if they voted in the 1996 presidential elections. From the cross-tabulation, it is evident that of the 573 respondents who participated in the 1996 presidential election, 105 (18.3 %) earned a salary of up to $12,999 per year, 341(59.5%) respondents earned between $12,500 and $49,000, and a further 127 (22.2%) earned $50,000 or more per year. The Pearson Chi-square and linear-by-linear association (both at 0.000 at 0.05 significance level) demonstrated no significant association that could have given credence to the hypothesis in symmetric measures. However, the cross-tabulation analysis proves that social economic status (as measured by respondents†™ income for the previous year) is a strong predictor for participation during presidential elections. Table 3 Respondents Income for Last Year and Participation in 1996 Presidential Election Income for Last Year (n=905) Did Respondent Vote in 1996 General Election Voted Did not Vote Ineligible Total Under $3,999 38 (6.6) 20 (7.1) 20 (39.2) 78 (8.6) $4000-6,999 24 (4.9) 16 (5.7) 9 (17.7) 49 (5.4) $7000-12,499 43 (7.5) 34 (12.1) 5 (9.8) 82 (9.1) $12,500-19,999 70 (12.2) 62 (22.1) 6 (11.8) 138 (15.3) $20,000-29,999 90 (15.7) 65 (23.1) 3 (5.9) 158 (17.5) $30,000-49,999 181 (31.6) 58 (20.6) 5 (9.8) 244 (26.9) $50,000-89,999 100 (17.5) 22 (7.8) 2 (3.9) 124 (13.7) $90,000 and above 27 (4.7) 4 (1.4) 1 (2.0) 32 (3.5) Total 573 (63.3) 281 (31.1) 51 (5.6) 905 (100.0) N.B: Column percentages are presented in parenthesis Table 4 shows the cross-tabulation analysis of the respondents’ highest level of education and participation in the 1996 presidential elect ion. The Pearson chi-square analysis and linear-by-linear association both demonstrated that there was a significant relationship between level of education and participation in presidential voting (Pearson Chi-square = 103.702, df-6, p =.004; linear-by-linear association = 93.526, df = 1, p = 0.000). The Lambda measure of association revealed a strong association between variables (0.774). Table 4: Educational Level and Participation in 1996 Presidential Election Educational Level (degree) (n=1366) Did Respondent Vote in 1996 General Election Voted Did not Vote Ineligible Total Less than high school 95 (10.8) 99 (25.1) 32 (36.0) 226 (16.5) High School 441 (49.9) 218 (55.3) 45 (50.6) 704 (51.5) Junior College or More 347 (39.3) 77 (19.5) 12 (13.5) 436 (32.0) Total 883 (64.6) 394 (28.8) 89 (6.5) 1366 (100.0) N.B: Row percentages are presented in parenthesis The cross-tabulation above demonstrates that out of the 883 respondents who participated in the 1996 president ial voting, 778 (89.2%) had a high school degree and above. This analysis together with the measures of association and significance proves that voters with low levels of education are less likely to take part in presidential elections than voters with high levels of education. Discussion The findings of this study demonstrate that media exposure, religion, social economic status and level of education are important determinants of voter participation in the U.S. presidential elections. Consequently, the present study reinforces findings of other studies that have evaluated individuals attributes (variables) and found them to have a significant influence on voting behaviors and patterns. In this study, media exposure has been found to be positively associated with a high likelihood of participating in presidential elections. This can be explained in terms of the capacity of media platforms to set the agenda of political campaigns with the view to influencing what the voters think ab out (Newton Brynin, 2001), and also in terms media’s capacity to prime or frame political issues in a manner that will lead the audience to see the need for casting their vote on the election day (Gonzalez, 2012). Through priming and framing of issues in Television channels, candidates are able to not only project an appealing image to the audience, but also create an emotional bond with viewers (Robertson et al., 2010, hence sustaining the audience’ desire to participate in elections. This study has also demonstrated how religious orientation is critical to informing voter decision to participate in presidential elections. However, as insinuated by Manza and Brooks (1997) that religious-oriented cleavages may have been a more fundamental factor for understanding the social roots of voter alignments than the class cleavage, the present study found both variables to be equally important in influencing voter participation in U.S. presidential election. In social class, this study reinforces the findings of other previous studies (e.g., Guterbock, 1980; Southwell, 2004) that economically disadvantaged Americans are less likely to vote than their well-off counterparts. The level of education has also being shown as a strong predictor to voting participation during the presidential elections, with findings demonstrating that eligible voters who have been unable to graduate from high school are less likely to vote than high school graduates and diploma/degree holders. Although the voting pattern (3.5% for eligible high school dropouts to 80.5% for well-off, advanced degree holders) demonstrated by Cole and Sum (2012) has not been replicated in this study, the view that uneducated voters are less likely to participate in elections than more educated voters has been well reinforced. There exist some limitations to the present study. First, the use of secondary data has brought difficulties in operationalizing some variables such as religion. The researc her had to rely on evaluating if respondents believed in life after death to determine their religious orientation. However, common knowledge demonstrates that not all people who believe in life after death are religious and not all religious people believe in life after death. The case of missing data values also presented a challenge during data analysis. Additionally, it can be said that some of the variables used are limited in scope and therefore could not be relied upon in a rigorous scientific research. Because presidential elections are a closely contested affair in the United States, it is imperative for policy makers and political players to know the factors that determine the participation of voters in the election. Knowledge of such determinants (media, social economic status, religion, and level of education) will not only help in prioritizing campaign needs for political parties, but also in ensuring that effective strategies are employed to woo voters to participate i n elections. It should be remembered that presidential candidate Mitt Romney lost considerable number of votes due to poor understanding of religious orientation as an important underpinning in U.S. elections. It is therefore suggested that more research needs to be done to analyze the dynamics of these determinants and how they are played out in party politics. References Balnaves, M., Caputi, P. (2001). Introduction to quantitative research methods: An investigative approach. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Coley, R.J., Sum, A. (2012). Fault lines in our democracy: Civic knowledge, voting behavior, and civic engagement in the United States. Retrieved from http://www.ets.org/s/research/19386/rsc/pdf/18719_fault_lines_report.pdf Gelman, A., Kenworthy, L., Su, Y.S. (2010). Income inequality and partisan voting in the United States. Social Science Quarterly, 91(5), 1203-1219. Retrieved from http://www.stat.columbia.edu/~gelman/research/published/ssqfinal.pdf General Social Su rvey. (2013). Retrieved from http://www3.norc.org/gss+website/ Gonzalez, M.A. (2012). Religion and the US presidency: Politics, the media, and religious identity. Political Theology, 13(5), 565-585. Guterbock, T.M. (1980). Social class and voting choices in Middletown. Social Forces, 58(4), 1044-1056. Holbrook, T.M., McClurg, S.D. (2005). The mobilization of core supporters: Campaigns, turnout, and electoral composition in United States elections. American Journal of Political Science, 49(4), 689-703. Manza, J., Brooks, C. (1997). The religious factor in U.S. presidential elections, 1960-1992. AJS, 103(1), 38-81. Retrieved from http://as.nyu.edu/docs/IO/3858/The_Religious_Factor_in_U.S._Presidential_Elections.pdf Newman, B.I. (2001). An assessment of the 2000 US presidential election: A set of political marketing guidelines. Journal of Public Affairs, 1(3), 210-216. Newton, K., Brynin, M. (2001). The national press and party voting in the UK. Political Studies, 49(2), 265-285. Pa sek, J., Tahk, A., Lelkes, Y., Krosnick, J.A., Payne, B.K., Akhter, O., Tompson, T. (2009). Determinants of turnout and candidate choice in the 2008 U.S. presidential election: Illuminating the impact of racial prejudice and other considerations. Public Opinion Quarterly, 73(5), 943-994. Retrieved from https://www.stanford.edu/dept/communication/faculty/krosnick/docs/2008/2008_poq_pasek_determinants.pdf Robertson, S.P., Vatrapu, R.K., Medina, R. (2010). Off the wall political discourse: Facebook use in the 2008 U.S, presidential election. Information Polity: The International Journal of Government Democracy in the Information Age, 15(1/2), 11-31. Southwell, P. (2004). Economic voting in volatile times. Journal of Political Military Sociology, 32(2), 237-247. Uppal, S., LaRochelle-Cote, S. (2012). Factors associated with voting. Retrieved from http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/75-001-x/2012001/article/11629-eng.htm Weisberg, H.F. (2007). The one thing you need to know about voting in American presidential elections. Retrieved from http://www.rochester.edu/college/psc/conferences/niemi2007/pdf/Voting%20in%20Presidential%20Elections.pdf Wildavsky, A. (2011). Presidential elections: Strategies and structures of American politics. New York, NY: Rowman Littlefield Publishers. This research paper on Voting Participation in the U.S. Presidential Elections was written and submitted by user Brylee Franklin to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Political Campaign Contribution Laws for Individuals

Political Campaign Contribution Laws for Individuals If you decide to contribute to a political candidate, you should know that the Federal Campaign Finance Law places legal limits on how much and what you can give. Representatives of the candidates campaign committee should be aware of these laws and inform you of them. But, just in case... The Federal Election Commission (FEC) has released the campaign contribution limits for individual private citizens for the 2019-2020 election cycle, including the presidential election on November 3, 2020. The per-calendar year limits became effective on January 1, 2019. The amount an individual can contribute to a candidate for each election was increased to $2,800 per election, up from $2,700. Since each primary and the general election count as separate elections, individuals may give $5,600 per candidate per cycle.   The following chart shows more details on the FEC campaign contribution limits for individuals in 2019 and 2020: An individual may contribute to †¦ Federal Candidates $2,800 per election National party committees- main account $35,500 per year National party committees- convention account (RNC and DNC only) $106,500 per year National party committees- party building account $106,500 per year National party committees- legal fund account $106,500 per year State or local party committees’ federal accounts $10,000 per year Federal PACs $5,000 per year Note: Contributions to the three national party special accounts (convention, building, and legal) can be used only to pay for expenses related to presidential nominating conventions, headquarters buildings of the party, and election recounts, contests, and other legal proceedings. Note: Married couples are considered to be separate individuals with separate contribution limits. Notes on Contributions to Presidential Campaigns The contribution limits work a little differently for presidential campaigns. You can contribute a total of up to $2,800 to presidential candidates running in state primaries, but the donation is for the entire primary election period. You cannot donate $2,800 for each state primary in which the candidate is running.A portion of your contribution may qualify to be matched by the federal government. If a candidate running in a primary election has qualified for the federal matching fund program, up to $250 of your total contributions to that candidate may be matched with federal funds. To qualify for federal matching, your contribution must be made in written form, such as a check. Contributions such as currency, loans, goods and services, and any type of contribution from a political committee do not qualify for federal matching.  In the general election, however, you may not make any contributions to the campaigns of Democratic or Republican nominees who receive Federal funds. Can anybody contribute? Certain individuals, businesses, and associations are prohibited from making contributions to Federal candidates or political action committees (PACs). Foreign nationals may not contribute to any candidate or party in any Federal, state, or local election in the United States. Foreign citizens who have permanent US residency status (posses a green card) are allowed to contribute according to the same laws as American citizens.Federal contractors individuals or businesses under contract to provide goods or services to the Federal government are prohibited from contributing to candidates or parties in Federal elections.Corporations and Labor Unions are also prohibited from contributing. This law applies to all incorporated organizations, profit or non-profit. Business owners are not allowed to make contributions from their business accounts. Although corporations and labor organizations may not make contributions or expenditures in connection with federal elections, they may establish PACs.Cash in any amount over $100 is prohibited.Contributions in the name of another person are not permitted. Note: Parents may not make contribut ions in the names of their children. Persons under 18 may contribute, but must do so willingly, under their own names, and with their own money. What constitutes a contribution? Besides checks and currency, the FEC considers ...anything of value given to influence a Federal election to be a contribution. Note that this does not include volunteer work. As long as you are not compensated for it, you can perform an unlimited amount of volunteer work. Donations of food, beverages, office supplies, printing or other services, furniture, etc. are considered in-kind contributions, so their value counts against contribution limits. Important: Questions should be directed to the Federal Election Commission in Washington, DC: 800/424-9530 (toll-free) or 202/694-1100.

The Most Famous Arsonist in Ancient Greece Wanted to Be a Star

The Most Famous Arsonist in Ancient Greece Wanted to Be a Star The Seven Wonders of the Ancient World were famous even in antiquity, but not everyone loved gorgeous architectural marvels. Heres a tale of the ancient worlds most infamous arsonist, who burned down one of the greatest buildings of the Mediterranean. The Burning of the Temple The burning of the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus  in modern Turkey, which was first built in the sixth century B.C.E., happened on the same day Alexander the Great was born in 356 B.C.E.  According to Plutarch, a guy named Hegesias the Magnesian quipped that Artemis  (Diana for the Romans), goddess of childbirth, among other things, was too busy welcoming the future king of Macedon and much of the Mediterranean into the world to keep an eye on the temple. The Ephesian priests, dubbed the Magi, took the destruction of the temple as a much bigger portent. Looking upon the temples disaster as a sign of further disaster, [they] ran about beating their faces and crying aloud that woe and great calamity for Asia had that day been born. Of course, that danger was baby Alexander, who would  eventually brutally conquer most of Asia. The Ultimate Punishment:  Being Forgotten Forever! The criminal responsible was a man named Herostratus. What made him commit such a heinous act? According to first-century author  Valerius  Maximus: Here is appetite for glory involving sacrilege. A man was found to plan the burning of the temple of Ephesian  Diana so that through the destruction of this most beautiful building his name might be spread through the whole world. This madness he unveiled when put upon the rack. In other  words, after being tortured, Herostratus admitted he torched  the temple for personal fame.  Maximus added, The Ephesians had wisely abolished the memory of the villain by decree, but Theopompus’s eloquent genius included him in his history. Herostratus was the most hated man around...so much so that a   damnatio  (meaning his memory was to be obliterated forever)  was decreed! The second-century C.E. Roman writer Aulus Gellius noted that Herostratus was dubbed inlaudabilis, namely, one who is worthy neither of mention nor remembrance, and  is never to be named. It was decreed that no one should ever mention the name of the man who had burned the temple of Diana at Ephesus.   If Herostratuss name and  memory were banned,  then how do we know about him? Most sources followed the rules and never mentioned his name, but Strabo disagreed. He was the first to break the rules in his Geography, stating the Ephesian temple was set on fire by a certain Herostratus.  The priest Aelian even  associated Herostratus  with atheists and enemies of the gods. After Herostratus did his dastardly deed, the Ephesians didnt hesitate in resurrecting their holy spot. According to Strabo, the citizens constructed one more magnificent. Howd they get the cash for such an extravagant building? Strabo said the tax collectors brought in ornaments of the women, contributions from private property, and the money arising from the sale of pillars of the former temple to pay for a new one. So the temple was even more awesome than before, all thanks to a firebug.

A Police Misconduct Case On Rodney King Assignment

A Police Misconduct Case On Rodney King - Assignment Example In addition, this paper focuses on the negative effects of unethical decision making while evaluating the effects violence caused acts of police brutality. Moreover, this research focuses on various moral and ethical concepts that are utilized in explaining how ethical dilemmas affected decision-making in this incidence. Introduction In the process of enforcing the law, various moral and ethical concepts determine an individual’s decision-making tendency. However, in some cases interpretation of moral and ethical concepts involved poses a challenge hence resulting to poor application of these concepts. Misinterpretation of these concepts introduces various unwanted results in the society. In this study, focus is placed on various moral and ethical concepts involved in the case of Rodney King. Question one Moral and ethical concepts play a crucial role in determining suitable decision-making (Zerbe, Ha?rtel and Ashkanasy, 2008).However, in some cases poor interpretation of the code of ethics results to its violation. For instance, in 1991 some traffic police officers brutally attacked an individual named Rodney king for violating traffic regulation in a Los Angeles suburb. Evidence in this case reveals that police officers used buttons to beat the complainant after the shocks they had used failed to incapacitate the individual. According to the defendants, the use of force was meant to ease the arrest of Rodney King who was drunk at the time he violated the traffic rules (Pollock, 2012). The acquittal of these officers in court worsened this case by causing the eruption of violence in the streets of Los Angeles where a large number of people were injured and property worth a lot of money was destroyed. In this case, a number of ethical dilemmas faced the parties that were involved. First, in the process of law enforcement officers are supposed to abide by the ethical code of conduct. However, in case of danger the officers were required to utilize conside rable force hence protecting themselves from injuries. In the case on Rodney king, the officers faced the dilemma of whether to abide by the code of conduct for the police officers or to protect each other from the probable injuries that might have been caused by Rodney (Kleinig, 2006).According to utilitarian ethics a decision is ethical if it results to a higher number of positive outcomes. In this case, concepts in utilitarian ethics would have required that the police officers to protect themselves from an attack by Rodney. However, virtue ethics requires that an individual’s actions should be judged based on the extent to which they employ suitable characters in decision-making. In this instance, the police officers ought to have employed virtues such as mercy and compassion thus using minimal force in arresting the culprit (Ferrell, Fraedrich and Ferrell, 2013).According to virtue ethics the actions taken by police officers in this case were unethical since they showed the use of force for selfish reasons. These selfish reasons may have included punishing individuals of the black American race or relieving stress among the officers. The ethical dilemma posed by the two concepts may have resulted to the violation of Rodney King’s rights. According to Zerbe, Ha?rtel and Ashkanasy (2008), ethical dilemmas in this case also emerged in the courtroom. In the process of determining whether the defendants were guilty or

Project size and effectiveness Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Project size and effectiveness - Essay Example The failure of a project is never affected by a single factor but a blend of factors that cripple the whole project. The statement â€Å"the larger the project is, the easier it fails. Nothing can change this trend† contains traces of truth in it. The last part of the statement is very wrong; the pattern can be broken by effective management principles and skilled personnel. It is a fact that bigger projects come with many responsibilities and tasks that should be effectively managed to succeed (Nicholas & Steyn, 2012). It demands collaboration, planning and control to make sure all team members are working towards the achievement of the project goals. Therefore, if an inexperienced project manager is given a chance to leader a big project the chances of failure increase significantly. Handling smaller projects can be relatively easy because very few people and activities are involved. Therefore, managing people and tasks is relatively easy. Regardless, it is very hard to find a project that cites the only reason for failure as its enormous size. Projects fail due to poor governance, poor implementation, lack of focus, and environmental changes. Poor governance is characterized by the provision of project sponsor who cannot inspire project members to work hard. The absence of passion and extensive knowledge on the project only serve to discourage other people (Nicholas & Steyn, 2012). The practical implementation of a project provides a positive start for the project, which is likely to lead to a definite finish. The lack of focus breeds complacency, which can certainly lead to project failure. It is very hard to keep the large teams that come with large projects motivated. A project manager can find it challenging to keep all project team members focused on achieving organizational goals and objectives. It is a fact that a project manager has to delegate duties when dealing with a massive project. As a result, direct

Changes in technology Essay Example for Free

Changes in technology Essay Technology enhances globalization. In past two decades, technology burst out like an explosion, definitely, the improvements of technology make our lives much more convenience. And, the advanced technology in microprocessors, Internet, and transportation enable the spreading out of globalization. Hill, C., (2001) stated Globalization has two main components: the globalization of markets and the globalization of product. In other words, the changing in technology would lead to an influence on globalization of markets and globalization of production. The widely use in microprocessors and telecommunications increasing the amount of information being transferred, but lower its cost. This is very helpful in merging markets. The opportunities for companies to expend businesses are raised, due to plummeting in global communication cost. Updated data can be collected, and monitoring overseas markets trend would become easier. Moreover, population of using Internet grows continuously since 1995 (Hill, C., 2001). This helps to create a global audience; advertisings are not restricted by geographic region anymore. Products can sold at overseas, such as Hill, C. (2001) pointed out customer can buy Levis jeans in Paris; McDonalds restaurant located in Tokyo. And, the cost of transportation plummeted, due to the revolutionized in transportation business, also helpful for expansion of business. Manufacturers can transport products at a lower cost and in a shorter time. As the trendy of globalization of production, productive activities spread out over the world, invention and widely use of microprocessors and Internet help supervisor to control the productive activities, and easier to communication to other in the process. The dispersal of production, for instance Hewlett-Packard separated its operations activities to different places, but reducing cost at the same time (Hill, C. 2001). As the decreasing cost in transportation, many businesses move their manufacturing plants to nations that provide cheaper raw materials and nature resources, in order to diminishing their production cost. Summering the above points, the three main changes in technology (microprocessors, Internet, and transportation) have a great supportive to  the globalization of markets and production. If the lower cost of communication does not exist, people around the world would not have so many chances to connect with others and business would not be willing to put money to widen their markets. If the world without Internet and the World Wide Web, people might not able to get the most updated information, the production skills cannot be improved and productive activities cannot be shared. Without the convenience transportation system, customer and provider would not connect each other; products cannot transfer to overseas market. Therefore, people would lose the opportunities to enjoy different products from all around the world. Finally, markets from different countries should not be merged together, and the production process should not spread out. Thats why the technology essential and enhance globalization. The above assignment is coming from the resources of Hill, C., Globalization, International Business, 2001, 3rd ed, McGraw-Hill Higher Education, New York.

Limitations of the current system :: Computer Science

Limitations of the current system The current system is slow in terms of processing tasks. When a lot of customers are present it is very time consuming to look for individual products because of the large stock room. This means fewer sales transactions are completed so overall there is less profit being made. The customer filing cabinet is taking up a lot id space which can be used for a lot of other things which is un-efficient. Also when a customer comes searching for the customer details is very time consuming and sometimes the details are overlooked so new ones are made causing reputation. If a staff report is created to see who has sold most products can be done by the current system, but it can be very time consuming to go through every invoice. This means that these types of reports are not done despite the ability to do them no one does. The advantage of doing such a report would be to see who doesn’t sell as much so more motivation can be given. The current system also limits the functions you can do because when stock runs out it is hard to find out until sales rep comes looking for the product. This means that they have automatically just lost out on a sale. These are the limitations which with my system shouldn’t occur. New system The new system will enable the users to process tasks quicker and with greater easy. Meaning the new system will have a whole new stock control database. This will definitely improve the time taken to search for a specific product which will mean more customers are attended too. With the aid of security different levels of system uses can be introduced which would mean company information like employee details can be stored on the database. This will also be a good feature because it will mean when a sales transaction is made it will be recorded so if errors arise in human error with sales transactions the system can check to see who carried out the sales transaction. Using the new system more better results and charts can be produced to give a better prospectus of the company finance and how much profit is being made. Also this can lead to queries being performed to see which items sell the most so a larger variety can be introduced or the items that don’t sell that well can be re checked to see why people are not buying them. With the new system it will be easier to do sales transactions because the sales rep doesn’t have to worry about saving the transaction,